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LEADER: 04697cam 2200625 a 4500
001 ocm27768672
003 OCoLC
005 20200622215020.0
008 930218s1994 dcua b 001 0 eng
010 $a 93000633
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020 $a0813207827$q(alk. paper)
020 $a9780813207827$q(alk. paper)
035 $a(OCoLC)27768672
043 $ae-ie---$ae-uk-ni
050 00 $aDA947$b.Y67 1994
082 00 $a320.9415$220
084 $a15.64$2bcl
084 $a7,25$2ssgn
100 1 $aYork, Neil Longley.
245 10 $aNeither kingdom nor nation :$bthe Irish quest for constitutional rights, 1698-1800 /$cNeil Longley York.
260 $aWashington, D.C. :$bCatholic University of America Press,$c©1994.
300 $axii, 280 pages :$billustrations ;$c24 cm
336 $atext$btxt$2rdacontent
337 $aunmediated$bn$2rdamedia
338 $avolume$bnc$2rdacarrier
504 $aIncludes bibliographical references (pages 265-272) and index.
520 $aThe rise and fall of the Anglo-Irish Protestant Ascendancy continues to fascinate historians. During the eighteenth century, the Anglo-Irish attempted to identify a constitutional tradition that justified their domination in Ireland and explained their conception of equal partnership in the British empire. Although they claimed that they led a "free" people living in an "independent" kingdom, that "free" people included a disfranchised and exploited Catholic majority, and their "independent" kingdom was actually a subordinate part of the British empire. The reified constitution that the Anglo-Irish looked to as the foundation of their political rights was not really their creation. They borrowed from an earlier generation of Irish constitutionalists, many of whom were, ironically, Catholics. Thus Patrick Darcy's 1643 Argument deserves as prominent a place in the emergence of Irish constitutionalism as William Molyneux's more famous 1698 Case of Ireland Stated. And despite what the Anglo-Irish elite called "parliamentary independence" in 1782, they did not escape their dependence on - or subordination to - Great Britain. Moreover, their persistent exclusivity, their unwillingness to truly welcome Catholics and lower-class Protestants into the political culture, contradicted their assertions that they spoke for a united people. All of their complaints against the British empire notwithstanding, the Anglo-Irish had no intention of following the lead of their Revolutionary American cousins. That they talked the same constitutional language even though they pursued different objectives is a reminder that political rhetoric is best studied in a social context. If the Anglo-Irish and Revolutionary Americans turned out to be different in one sense, they were alike in another. In the United States the Founding generation ultimately gave way to the Jacksonians, just as in Ireland the parliamentary Patriots of the 1770s were challenged by the Volunteers in the 1780s and United Irishmen a decade later. Both the Americans and the Anglo-Irish learned that ideas employed as ideology can have unintended consequences; both were trapped by the very constitutionalism that they had hoped would liberate them.
651 0 $aIreland$xPolitics and government$y18th century.
650 0 $aConstitutional history$zIreland.
650 7 $aConstitutional history.$2fast$0(OCoLC)fst00875777
650 7 $aPolitics and government$2fast$0(OCoLC)fst01919741
651 7 $aIreland.$2fast$0(OCoLC)fst01205427
650 07 $aVerfassungsrecht.$2swd
651 7 $aIrland.$2swd
651 7 $aGroßbritannien.$2swd
648 7 $a1700-1799$2fast
648 7 $aGeschichte 1698-1800$2swd
653 0 $aConstitutional history$aIreland
653 0 $aIreland$aPolitics and government$a18th century
776 08 $iOnline version:$aYork, Neil Longley.$tNeither kingdom nor nation.$dWashington, D.C. : Catholic University of America Press, ©1994$w(OCoLC)624415748
856 41 $3Table of contents$uhttp://www.gbv.de/dms/bowker/toc/9780813207827.pdf
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938 $aBaker and Taylor$bBTCP$n93000633 //r97
938 $aYBP Library Services$bYANK$n721937
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029 1 $aNZ1$b4528526
029 1 $aYDXCP$b721937
994 $aZ0$bP4A
948 $hNO HOLDINGS IN P4A - 310 OTHER HOLDINGS