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Edition | Availability |
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Movement in language: interactions and architectures
2001, Oxford University Press
in English
0198241178 9780198241171
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Book Details
Table of Contents
Machine generated contents note: 1 Introduction
1 Proposals
1.1 T-model
1.2 Invisible overt movement
1.3 No covert movement
1.4 Single-output syntax
1.5 Theoretical summary,
2 Assumptions
2 Subjacency Forever
1 Problems: levels and taxes
2 Wh-islands
2.1 CP-absorption and IP-absorption
2.2 Diagnostics for CP- and IP-absorption
2.2.1 Wh-islands
2.2.2 Scrambling
2.2.3 Superiority
2.2.4 Weak crossover
2.2.5 Wh-movement and QR
2.2.6 Interacting wh-dependencies
2.3 "Heterogeneous movement" languages: German and English
2.4 Interlude: Hungarian
3 Conclusion
3 Featural Cyclicityand the Ordering of Multiple Specifiers
1 Multiple wh-movement
2 Multiple A-specifiers
2.1 Idiom chunks
2.2 Quantifier scope
2.3 A-scrambling generally
2.3.1 Contained relative dauses
2.3.2 Scrambling and Condition A
3 Object Shift
3.1 Object Shift as an escape hatch
3.2 Communication between Agr heads, Part I: Dependent Case
3.3 Communication between Agr heads, Part II:
Dependent Agreement
4 Spec NegP
5 Cliticization
6 Quantifier Raising
7 Freedom of ordering
7.1 Morphological effects on syntax clitic ordering
7.2 Syntactic effects on syntax: Bulgarian wh-words
8 Shortest move
9 Equidistance
10 Conclusion
4 Grappling with the Ineffable
1 Overt movement to'weak' positions
1.1 French participles
1.2 Object shifin mainland Scandinavian
L3 V-to-I in mainland Scandinavian
14 Japanese wh-movement
15 Tagalog vs. Chamorro
16 Agreement in Mohawk, Chichewa, and Irish
16.1 Mohawk
16.2 Chichewa
16.3 Irish
17 Derived Object Condition
18 Bulgarian vs. Serbo-Croatian
1.9 Conclusion
2 Destroying the evidence: ellipsis
2.1 (Pseudo)gapping
2.2 Multiple sluicing
2.3 Conclusion
3 "Bottom-heavy" chains
3.1 Japanese
3.2 Malay
4 An embarrassment of riches: movement to two strong features
4.1 "Weakening" the subject position
4.1.1 Anti-anti-agreement
4.1.1.1 Morphological anti-anti-agreement
4.1.12 Anti-anti-agreement and anaphora
4.1.1.3 Person-animacy hierarchies and
anti-agreement
41.2 Anti-agreement and ergativity
4.1.3 Interlude: Chamorro -um-
4.1.4 Anti-object-agreement
4.2 Multiple pronunciation
4.3 Clausal pied-piping
4.4 Subject-complementizer interactions
4.4.1 LF conditions on pied-piping: the ban on causal
pied-piping in English
4.4.2 PF conditions on pied-piping: conditions on null
complementizers
44.3 The that-trace effect: summary and conclusion
4.5 Improper movement, and proper improper movement
4.5.1 Japanese improper movement
4.5.2 Tough-movement
4.6 Extraction from moved phrases
4.7 Successive-cyclic movement
4.8 Japanese subject scrambling
4.9 Conclusion and expansions
5 Overall conclusions
5 The Principle of Minimal Compliance
1 Introduction
2 "Static" applications of the PMC
2.1 Reflexivity
2.2 Weak crossover
2.3 VP-ellipsis
2.4 Additional scrambling effects
3 "Dynamic" applications of the PMC, Part I: the attractor
3.1 Subjacency
3.2 Superiority
3.2.3 Bulgarian
3.2.2 Japanese
4 "Dynamic" applications of the PMC, Part II: the islands
4.1 Connectedness
4.2 'Parasitic' wh-movement in Bugarian and Japanese
4.3 Interlude: PMC on attractors vs. islands
4.4 Inside jobs: additional additional-wh effects
5 Path Containment Condition
5.1 The PCC in other languages
5.2 Volvo-sentences
6 Some possible further expansions
6.1 Pesetsky and Torrego/Platzacdk T-to-C in questions
6.2 Holmbergs Generalization
6.3 Stylistic Fronting
6.4 Wh-movement and Tense
6.4.1 Wh-islands and Tense
6.4.2 Wh-movement and Sequence of Tense phenomena
6.5 Lower-wh effects
6.6 The Coordinate Structure Constraint
6.7 Japanese
7 Is the PMC recursive?
7.1 Path Containment Condition
7.2 Parasitic gaps
8 Conclusion
6 Conclusion
References
Index.
Edition Notes
Includes bibliographical references (p. [308]-321) and index.
Classifications
The Physical Object
ID Numbers
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